OP-ED: The Time is Now to Reform Prisons, Save Taxpayers Money
by Phil Power
NOT LONG AGO, most Republican lawmakers wanted to lock convicted criminals in prison and throw away the key. But that’s not so much the case anymore, in part because of a rising conservative organization, “Right on Crime.”
Founded in late 2010 and aimed at “reducing crime, lowering costs and restoring victims,” Right on Crime is backed by national right-wing heroes such as former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich, former U.S. Attorney General Edwin Meese and Grover Norquist, President of Americans for Tax Reform.
In Michigan, the group is led by former Michigan House Speaker Craig DeRoche. Working in tandem with them has been one of Michigan’s most respected conservative lawmakers, former State Rep. Joseph Haveman (R-Holland), who chaired the powerful Appropriations Committee until term limits meant he had to leave at the beginning of this year. Haveman spent much of his last two years in the House struggling to get a series of reforms to the Michigan corrections system, only to see them shot down at the last minute by Attorney General Bill Schuette.
But now skyrocketing costs have led to increasing attention on corrections spending. Michigan’s $2 billion per year corrections system consumes about 20 percent of the state’s general fund, exceeding by far the $1.4 billion amount spent on colleges and universities. Although estimates vary somewhat, best guess is that it costs taxpayers around $37,000 per year to incarcerate each inmate. So in an age when budgets are stretched tight, finding ways to cut the costs of Michigan prisons has assumed greater and greater bipartisan importance in Lansing.
Earlier this month, Gov. Rick Snyder delivered a special message on criminal justice that urged a series of wide-ranging reforms aimed at reducing costs, protecting crime victims and reducing prisoner recidivism.
He pointed to a report jointly commissioned by the legislature and his office that concluded, “Michigan can improve its sentencing guidelines to achieve more consistency and predictability in sentencing outcomes, stabilize and lower costs for the state and counties and direct resources to reduce recidivism and improve public safety.”
Michigan lawmakers have traditionally followed “throw ‘em in jail and throw away the key” sentencing policies, and enacted a series of stringent sentencing requirements for local judges, many chafing at the top-down restrictions.
“Darn it,” grumbles my cousin, Grand Traverse County Circuit Judge Thomas Power, “they’re handcuffing me. The state legislature doesn’t know much about the criminals I see every day in my courtroom. But they tell me what I have to do in sentencing them.”
The governor wants to send fewer non-violent offenders to prison, release sick and elderly prisoners who are unlikely to commit crimes when they’re out, and make sure those who are released have the skills and education needed to get jobs and survive outside as law-abiding citizens.
And last week, the Citizens Alliance on Prisons & Public Spending (CAPPS) issued a report aimed at reducing Michigan’s prison population by 10,000 (from the current 43,709) and saving $250 million a year through a series of strategies, including sentencing reform, changes in probation policy and revamping the juvenile criminal justice system.
Former state representative Haveman commented: “This new report from CAPPS demonstrates clearly that we can save taxpayers money while keeping communities safe. Policymakers looking to save money in the state budget need to carefully review this report and act on the common-sense reforms it recommends.”
Meanwhile, an overlooked aspect of American criminal justice system is drawing increased attention to the disproportionate impact it has on African Americans. Nationally, according to statistics compiled by the NAACP, one-in-six black men had been incarcerated as of 2001, and if current trends continue, one-in-three black males born today can expect to spend time in prison during his lifetime. African-Americans represent 26 percent of juvenile arrests, 46 percent of those bound over for trial and 58 percent of youth admitted to prison. Those numbers are far out of proportion, given that black Americans are a mere 13 percent of the total population.
Recent research has also pointed to the profound unintended consequences on the black community of widespread black male imprisonment. According to national research reported by the New York Times, for every one hundred black women in the community, only some 83 black males are out of prison and playing roles in society. In Detroit alone, the Times estimates that 21,000 black males in Detroit are missing from their communities.
Among the results is a shortage of young black men for available potential marriage or long-term partnerships. The consequences for the black community include reduced marriage rates, increased numbers of children born outside marriage, and a corresponding increase in single female parents.
It’s hard to imagine that those advocating tough sentencing policies anticipated the disproportionate impact on the overall sociology of black communities. But the connection seems plausible, especially given growing recognition of the ills brought to in the black community by low marriage rates and numbers of children born outside marriage to single mothers.
Michigan’s past policies of locking people up for long periods of time have had two serious consequences – both bad: It’s very expensive and it has a terrible and long-lasting impact on the African-American community.
There is no better argument for a far-reaching, high priority review of Michigan’s corrections policies – starting now.
Former newspaper publisher and University of Michigan Regent Phil Power is a longtime observer of Michigan politics and economics. He is also the founder and chairman of the Center for Michigan, a nonprofit, bipartisan centrist think–and–do tank, designed to cure Michigan’s dysfunctional political culture. This originally appeared in Bridge Magazine and is used here with permission.